What’s unacceptable about this picture?
Posted on Western Journalism-By DOUG BOOK-On December 22, 2011:
“You need to know that Eric Holder…played a key role in covering up the torture-murder death of my brother, Kenneth Michael Trentadue.”
This is what Salt Lake City attorney Jesse Trentadue wrote in December 2008 to prospective incoming chairman of the Senate Justice Committee, Patrick Leahy. The newly elected Barack Obama had made Holder his choice for Attorney General and Trentadue was going to do everything in his power to stop this shameful appointment from going forward.
Kenneth Trentadue was killed in Oklahoma City on August 21, 1995, four months after the bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah building. He had been taken into custody by the FBI and placed in an isolation cell at a federal facility in El Reno, Oklahoma.
The official government report on cause of death presented to Trentadue’s family stated that Kenneth had hanged himself in his cell. But massive bruises and lacerations all over his body compelled even the Oklahoma City medical examiner to state “very likely he was murdered.”
Unable to get satisfactory information from government officials on what had happened to his brother, in 1997 Jesse Trentadue filed a federal wrongful death lawsuit against the Department of Justice. In it, Trentadue made the extraordinary claim that the Department had hidden and “destroyed evidence that would have exposed my brother’s murderers.”
As a result of that lawsuit, in 2001 the Trentadue family was awarded $1.1 million, and the federal judge indeed later ruled that “the FBI had lied in court…and destroyed evidence.”
Using e-mails and handwritten notes acquired in that lawsuit, Trentadue demonstrated in his correspondence to Patrick Leahy that then-Deputy Attorney General Eric Holder had engineered a scheme to sidetrack any investigation into his brother’s death in order to “deflect congressional oversight and media attention.”
Calling their agenda the “Trentadue mission,” members of Holder’s DOJ team compared their efforts to “coordinating the invasion of Normandy.” They referred to “meeting with [Holder] to discuss ‘Trentadue-does’ and ‘Trentadue-don’t’,” concerning a carefully crafted press release designed to announce that a federal grand jury had just concluded its work and found no reason to charge anyone with a crime.
Of course that October 9 press release failed to say the grand jury had actually, secretly concluded its business in August, having been supplied with only the “evidence” the Department of Justice saw fit to provide.
The lengths to which Eric Holder and others went to stifle any investigation of the Trentadue affair make it clear that it was not simply a federal prisoner interrogation that went too far. CoachIsRight.com will present the known history of this extraordinary Clinton administration affair and cover-up through the coming days.
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I. The article Newsweek gutted--more proof of FBI corruption!
Posted on The Examiner-By Anthony Martin, Conservative Examiner-On November 25, 2011:
“When citizen investigative journalist Mike Vanderboegh reported earlier this week that an article that appeared in Newsweek Magazine this week was supposed to contain explosive information damaging to the current Administration and that of Bill Clinton, he had a good idea of what was cut by editor Tina Brown due to his numerous contacts in the government. Today, however, Vanderboegh has an unedited copy of the original version of the article, complete with credible evidence of corruption that exposes Eric Holder, Janet Reno, the FBI, and two Administrations as threats not only to the truth but to the very lives of American citizens.
The original article written by reporter R.M. Schneiderman and approved by his immediate editor John Solomon is extensive. An abbreviated step-by-step overview of that article is provided below.
1. Schneiderman uncovered revelations concerning the Oklahoma City bombing that not only implicate Clinton Administration officials in mass murder but contain a direct link to the Obama Administration, the current FBI, and Attorney-General Eric Holder, who worked for Janet Reno at the Department of Justice during the 1990s. Two informants, John Matthews and Jesse Trentadue, provided the FBI and DOJ with information showing that Timothy McVeigh had worked in tandem with other persons, thereby blowing the theory of the ‘lone bomber.’
2. Matthews, who was working with the government to infiltrate extremist groups, had provided information to the FBI indicating that one Tom Posey, who had been a suspect in another crime called the Brown’s Ferry Plot, had collaborated with Timothy McVeigh. It was Posey who was the first to talk about the use of weapons of mass destruction to blow up federal buildings—a prospect that prompted Matthews to go to the FBI. But there is evidence that Posey was cooperating with the FBI, providing them key information about various extremist groups in the U.S.
3. Matthews had also encountered Timothy McVeigh in Texas, in the company of one Andreas Carl Strassmeier, another suspect in the planning of the Oklahoma City bombing. McVeigh and Strassmeier were both involved in the para-military movement and were participating in training exercises in Texas.
4. Neither Posey nor Strassmeier were ever pursued by the FBI for their role in the bombing, leading Matthews to conclude that the entire case of the FBI against McVeigh as the ‘lone bomber’ was highly suspect.
5. A racist, neo-Nazi group in Texas called the Texas Light Infantry is key to understanding the plot to blow up the federal building in Oklahoma City. It was within this very group that Matthews encountered McVeigh and Strassmeier. Yet the article in Newsweek fails to mention the militia group at all. Instead the article identifies the Texas Reserve Militia. This deft sleight of hand appears to be aimed at hiding the truth about the Texas Light Infantry, where McVeigh and Strassmeier laid out their plot.
6. Another FBI informant by the name of Dave Rossi was key to the plot, yet that information was also cut out of the final copy of the article that appeared in Newsweek. Rossi knew Posey very well from numerous encounters at various and sundry meetings of extremist militia groups. Rossi was also a key operative in the FBI’s scandalous and murderous covert program called PATCON—‘Patriot Conspiracy’—which was involved in all of the major scandals going back decades, including the massacres at Ruby Ridge and Waco.
7. Newsweek editor Tina Brown also cut out from the final article an entire section that the reporter had included on Utah Attorney Jesse Trentadue, whose brother was beaten to death in prison shortly after the Oklahoma City bombing. Trentadue believes that his brother was killed by the FBI in a case of mistaken identity. The official report claims that Trentadue hanged himself in the cell. But photos indicate that his throat had been cut. There were bruises all over his body. A federal judge later ruled the FBI had lied in court about the case and destroyed evidence. The Trentadue family was awarded 1.1 million dollars in damages for emotional distress.
Thus, the key facts in the original article written by R.M. Schneiderman for Newsweek/The Daily Beast/The Washington Post wound up in the waste basket of editor Tina Brown. Why? Informants say the FBI, the DOJ, and the Obama Administration pressured the organization to withhold the information.
And, with the ongoing scandal involving Project Gunwalker—Operation Fast and Furious—the Administration may be interesting in protecting key figures in high places, particularly given that many of those involved in Gunwalker were also part of the scandal surrounding the Oklahoma City bombing.
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Visit my ministry site at Martin Christian Ministries.”
II. Did the FBI Bury Oklahoma City Bombing Evidence?
Posted on Mother Jones-By James Ridgeway-On July 21, 2011:
“In 2007, Mother Jones was the first national media outlet to tell the full story of Jesse Trentadue and his quest for the truth, which began four months after the attack on Oklahoma City’s Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building on April 19, 1995, killed 168 people. It was then that Trentadue, a Salt Lake City lawyer, learned that his brother, a construction worker and one-time bank robber, had died in a federal prison in Oklahoma City.
Prison officials said the prisoner had hanged himself. But Kenney Trentadue, who had never revealed any suicidal inclination, was shipped home for burial with bruises all over his body and lacerations on his face and throat—suggesting something more sinister. Even Oklahoma City’s chief medical examiner would later say, publicly, that it was “very likely he was murdered.” But the most compelling evidence in the case was altered or turned up missing. Jesse Trentadue was never able to prove what had actually happened to his brother—though he did win a $1.1 million civil suit for “emotional distress” to his family, based on the way the government had handled the aftermath of Kenney’s death.
Trentadue had all but given up, when, in the spring of 2003, he got a call from a small-town newspaper reporter in Oklahoma named J.D. Cash. Cash told him that Kenney very much resembled the police sketch of John Doe No. 2, whom the FBI initially believed to be a second bomber in the Oklahoma City attack. Cash also pointed out that both Kenney and John Doe No. 2 resembled Richard Lee Guthrie, a notorious figure on the racist far right. In 1994 and 1995, Guthrie and his gang, which called itself the Aryan Republican Army (ARA), had carried out 22 bank robberies across the Midwest, netting some $250,000 to support their white-supremacist movement.
Might federal officials have believed that Kenney Trentadue was in fact Richard Lee Guthrie, and that Guthrie was John Doe No. 2? Could he have been beaten to death in an interrogation gone bad? That theory provided what Jesse believed might be a missing motive for his brother’s murder, and he set about learning all he could about the federal investigations of the bombing and the Aryan Republican Army.
By 2003, however, the Oklahoma City case was closed. Timothy McVeigh was declared the lone bomber and executed for his crime; Terry Nichols, named as his sole accomplice, was serving a life sentence in a federal supermax in Florence, Colorado. Federal officials denied—and the judge in the McVeigh trial rebuffed—any attempts to show that McVeigh and Nichols hadn’t acted alone. Stonewalled at every turn, Trentadue remained determined to satisfy his curiosity. His primary tool would be the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA).
An initial batch of documents, received through a FOIA request, showed that the FBI was investigating a link between the bombers and Guthrie’s ARA. The connection involved a remote religious compound called Elohim City in eastern Oklahoma’s Ozark Mountains, a kind of sanctuary for far-right extremists from the Klan and the Aryan Nations to the then-burgeoning militia movement that inspired McVeigh.
The documents revealed that federal law enforcement had informants close to Elohim City. As I wrote in my original story, they also showed
…that the bureau was interested in any communication between McVeigh and the ARA immediately before the bombing, and that Guthrie himself was in Pittsburg, Kansas—some 200 miles from Oklahoma City—three days before the attack. In addition, the memos indicate that the FBI received reports of McVeigh calling and possibly visiting Elohim City before the bombing, at one point seeking “to recruit a second conspirator.”
The documents also have one source reporting that McVeigh had a “lengthy relationship” with someone at Elohim City, and that he called that person just two days before the bombing. (These documents were never shown to McVeigh’s lawyer.) The Justice Department and the FBI would not comment on the documents; an FBI spokesman in Oklahoma City told me that the bureau is confident it has caught and convicted those responsible for the bombing.
After the story ran, Trentadue continued his quest for information. He tried to depose Terry Nichols, along with a federal inmate named David Paul Hammer, who said he had talked with McVeigh at length while they were on death row together. A federal district court judge in Utah gave Trentadue the go-ahead, but his decision was reversed by the 10th US Circuit Court of Appeals. Trentadue also learned from the CIA that it had a spy satellite over Oklahoma at the time of the bombing, but the agency withheld details from him due to national security concerns.
Trentadue placed one FOIA after another, always getting the runaround from the FBI. Finally, after three years, he persuaded Clark Waddoups, another Utah-based federal judge, to order the FBI to respond by June 30, 2011. Trentadue was particularly interested in 20 or more video surveillance tapes from cameras located on the Murrah building—cameras that might have shown, among other things, whether McVeigh was alone when he parked a truckload of explosives beneath the building and then fled from his truck.
Earlier, the FBI had produced a document suggesting that the videotapes didn’t exist, based on an investigatory report “in which an individual personally involved in clearing the Murrah building after the bombing with apparent familiarity with its surveillance systems, stated that it was ‘a shame…that the surveillance cameras were never hooked up again after they put in a new security system approximately two years ago.’” The person in question was an elevator repairman who had done some work in the Murrah building and had gone there shortly after the blast.
But Trentadue argued that the cameras were indeed operational at the time of the bombing, citing two affidavits he’d obtained. The first one came from Don Browning, an Oklahoma City police officer (now retired) who shortly after the blast had “observed men wearing jackets with ‘FBI’ printed on the back removing the surveillance video cameras from the exterior of the Murrah Federal Building. I thought this was part of the FBI’s evidence gathering or ‘chain of custody’ procedures since those exterior cameras would have shown and recorded delivery of the bomb in a Ryder truck that morning as well as the person or persons who exited that truck.”
The second affidavit came from Joe Bradford Cooley, an employee for a subcontractor bidding on running the surveillance system. Cooley said he made frequent inspections of the system, including cameras and monitors, and that everything was running correctly up to the time the bomb went off. In addition, a Secret Service timeline of that day refers to one observer who said, “Security video shows Ryder truck pulling up to the federal building and then pausing (7 to 10 seconds) before resuming into a slot in front of the building.”
Now, in a sworn declaration to the court, David M. Hardy, a section chief in the FBI’s Records Management Division, said that he was “unaware of the existence or likely location of additional tapes…and do not know of anyone who would know where additional tapes would be located.”
The judge ordered the FBI to search its records manually, but the bureau resisted, arguing that the courts had previously relieved it of doing manual searches, and that “a manual search of the first 14 day worth of records in the OKBOMB case file would be extremely burdensome…Hardy estimates that this material consists of approximately 450,000 pages and would take one employee over 1 1/2 years to search. Mr. Hardy indicates that such an undertaking would be unprecedented and could negatively impact his office’s ability to carry out other obligations.”
Trentadue is questioning whether the bureau in fact has several sets of files—the main case file and others. In an affidavit from an earlier case, FBI agent Ricardo Ojeda, who was assigned to investigate the bombing, said the bureau kept what it called “zero files” on important cases. These, Ojeda said, were “reports containing information the FBI would not generally want disclosed to the defense and which were kept separate from a specific case file. These files were kept internally within the bureau and typically were not turned over to the prosecution or the defense.” When the FBI assigned numbers to its files, Ojeda said, “a zero after that number would mean that the report should go into the ‘zero’ file.”
The FBI has long sought to hide certain files, according to a recent investigation by the Center for Public Integrity. In the ‘70s there were “June” files, which in the 1990s became the “zero” files. In 1996, the zero files were upgraded to the “I-Drive” files. Trentadue’s most recent search unearthed yet another secret set of files dubbed “S-Drive.” Judge Waddoups ordered the bureau to say whether the I-Drive and S-Drive data-storage areas had been searched for the videotapes and other documents—and if not, why not. The feds responded that the I-Drive no longer exists, and it has no reason to think the S-Drive would contain anything of value.
Trentadue is now preparing his latest brief, in which he will ask the judge to hold the bureau in contempt of court.”
Note: My following blog posts contain numerous articles and/or blog posts and videos that relate to this disturbing issue-You Decide:
Did ATF provide weapons to Mexican drug cartels that were subsequently used to kill one of our own?
Who owns our supposedly fair and balanced airwaves and news outlets?
Nearly 80 percent don’t trust the government!
Is it important to understand the Marxist assault on the foundations of our system?
Note: If you have a problem viewing any of the listed blog posts please copy web site and paste it on your browser. Be aware that some of the articles and/or blog posts or videos listed within the contents of the above blog post(s) may have been removed by this administration because they may have considered them to be too controversial. Sure seems like any subject matter that may shed some negative light on this administration is being censored-What happened to free speech?-You Decide.
“Food For Thought”
God Bless the U.S.A.!