Dates of 2014 State legislative sessions

State Dates of session Session length limit [1]
Ends.png Alabama January 14 - April 15 (Projected)[2] 30 legislative days in 105 calendar days
Ends.png Alaska January 21 - April 20 (Projected) 90 calendar days
Ends.png Arizona January 13 - May 1 (Projected) Saturday of the last week in which the 100th calendar day falls
Ends.png Arkansas February 10 - March 1 (Projected) 60 calendar days
Begins.png California* January 6 - September 30 (Projected) September 12
Begins.png Colorado January 8 - May 7 (Projected) 120 calendar days
Ends.png Connecticut February 5 - May 7 (Projected) Wednesday after the first Monday in June
Ends.png Delaware January 14 - June 30 (Projected) June 30
Ends.png Florida* March 4 - May 2 (Projected) 60 calendar days
Ends.png Georgia January 13 - April 1 (Projected) 40 legislative days
Ends.png Hawaii January 15 - May 1 (Projected) 60 legislative days
Begins.png Idaho January 6 - April 1 (Projected) None
Ends.png Illinois* January 29 - May 31 (Projected) None
Begins.png Indiana January 7 - March 14 (Projected) April 29
Ends.png Iowa January 13 - April 22 (Projected) 110 calendar days
Ends.png Kansas January 13 - May 30 (Projected) None
Begins.png Kentucky January 7 - April 15 (Projected) 30 legislative days or March 30
Ends.png Louisiana March 10 - June 5 (Projected) 45 legislative days in 60 calendar days
Begins.png Maine January 8 - April 16 (Projected) 3rd Wed in June
Begins.png Maryland January 8 - April 7 (Projected) 90 calendar days
Ends.pngMassachusetts* January 14 – January 6, 2015 (Projected) Formal sessions, 3rd Wed in Nov; informal, no limit
Begins.png Michigan* January 8 - December 31 (Projected) None
Ends.png Minnesota February 25 - May 19 (Projected) 120 legislative days in 2 years, or the 1st Monday after the 3rd Saturday in May each year
Begins.png Mississippi January 7 - April 6 (Projected) 90 calendar days
Begins.png Missouri January 8 - May 30 (Projected) May 30
Ends.png Montana No 2014 Regular Session 90 legislative days in two years
Begins.png Nebraska January 8 - April 1 (Projected) 90 legislative days
Ends.png Nevada No 2014 Regular Session 120 calendar days in two years
Begins.png New Hampshire January 8 - June 1 (Projected) 45 legislative days or July 1
Ends.png New Jersey* January 14 - January 1, 2016 (Projected) None
Ends.png New Mexico January 21 - February 20 (Projected) 60 calendar days
Begins.png New York State* January 8 – January 7, 2015 (Projected) None
Ends.png North Carolina May 14 - July 1 (Projected) None
Ends.png North Dakota No 2014 Regular Session 80 legislative days in two years
Begins.png Ohio* January 7 – December 31 (Projected) None
Ends.png Oklahoma February 3 - May 30 (Projected) Last Friday in May
Ends.png Oregon February 3 - March 9 (Projected) 160 calendar days
Begins.pngPennsylvania* January 7 – November 30 (Projected) None
Begins.png Rhode Island January 7 – June 1 (Projected) None
Ends.png South Carolina January 14 - June 30 (Projected) First Thurs in June
Ends.png South Dakota January 14 - March 31 (Projected) 40 legislative days
Ends.png Tennessee January 14 - May 1 (Projected) 90 legislative days
Ends.png Texas No 2014 Regular Session 140 calendar days in two years
Ends.png Utah January 27 - March 13 (Projected) 45 calendar days
Begins.png Vermont January 7 - May 14 (Projected) None
Begins.png Virginia January 8 - March 12 (Projected) 30 calendar days
Ends.png Washington January 13 - March 12 (Projected) 105 calendar days
Begins.png West Virginia January 8 - March 8 (Projected) 60 calendar days
Ends.png Wisconsin* January 14 - December 1 (Projected)[2] None
Ends.png Wyoming February 10 - March 1 (Projected) 40 legislative days

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Comment by Reidun E. Elliott on January 12, 2014 at 10:50am
Interesting that some states have a law that prohibits campaigning while office!
If that we're try of all maybe more real work would get done hmmmm.
Comment by Paul Norwood on January 12, 2014 at 9:10am

No they have until the 12th, but meet between the 6th of January til the 3oth of September but try to be done by the 12th.

Comment by Bob Casper on January 12, 2014 at 8:25am

California is one of the largest States in the US and if I read this right they have one day allotted September 12? WOW no wonder the States has so many fiscal issues...

Comment by Melony B. DeFord on January 12, 2014 at 7:51am

For the record - SOME in the Georgia General Assembly are looking at a 'short session' because it is election year and by law these folks CANNOT campaign while in session. According to the state constitution they WILL have to have a full session....

LIGHTER SIDE

 

Political Cartoons by AF Branco

Political Cartoons by Tom Stiglich

ALERT ALERT

 Will  Tea Party Hand The Liberals Their Ass On Election Day? 

It was this week two years ago that Hillary Clinton’s victory looked assured, when the infamous “Access Hollywood” tape of Donald Trump bragging about sexual assault appeared all but certain to end his campaign.

Jesse Ferguson remembers it well. The deputy press secretary for Clinton’s campaign also remembers what happened a month later.

It’s why this veteran Democratic operative can’t shake the feeling that, as promising as the next election looks for his party, it might still all turn out wrong.

“Election Day will either prove to me I have PTSD or show I’ve been living déjà vu,” Ferguson said. “I just don’t know which yet.”

Ferguson is one of many Democrats who felt the string of unexpected defeat in 2016 and are now closely — and nervously — watching the current election near its end, wondering if history will repeat itself. This year, instead of trying to win the presidency, Democrats have placed an onus on trying to gain 23 House seats and win a majority.

The anxiety isn’t universal, with many party leaders professing confidently and repeatedly that this year really is different.

But even some of them acknowledge the similarities between the current and previous election: Trump is unpopular and beset by scandal, Democrats hold leads in the polls, and some Republicans are openly pessimistic.

FiveThirtyEight gives Democrats a 76.9 percent chance of winning the House one month before Election Day. Their odds for Clinton’s victory two years ago? 71.4 percent.

The abundance of optimism brings back queasy memories for Jesse Lehrich, who worked on the Clinton campaign and remembers watching the returns come in from the Javits Center in New York.

“I was getting texts after the result was clear – including even from some political reporters and operatives – texting me, you know, ‘Are you guys starting to get nervous?’ or ‘What’s her most likely path?’” he said. “I was like, ‘What do you mean, starting to get nervous? What path? They just called Wisconsin. We lost.’”

“People were so slow to process that reality because they just hadn’t considered the possibility that Donald Trump was going to be the next president,” he continued.

Lehrich said he sees similarities between 2016 and 2018. But he said he thought Democrats were cognizant of the parallels and determined not to let up a month before the election, as many voters might have two years ago.

Other Democratic leaders aren’t so sure. Asked if he thought his party was overconfident, Democratic Rep. Seth Moulton responded flatly, “Yes.”

Democrats could win a lot of House seats, he said, or could still fall short of capturing a majority.

“The point is that we’ve got to realize that this not just some unstoppable blue wave but rather a lot of tough races that will be hard-fought victories,” Moulton said.

If Democrats are universally nervous about anything after 2016, it’s polling. The polls weren’t actually as favorable to Clinton and the Democrats as some remember, something 538’s Nate Silver and some other journalists pointed out at the time.

But Clinton’s decision not to campaign in a state she’d lose, Wisconsin, and the failure of pollsters everywhere to miss a wave of Trump supporters in red areas are mistakes Democrats are still grappling with today.

“Clearly last cycle, polling was off,” Ben Ray Lujan, chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, told reporters last month. “There were a lot of predictions that were made last cycle that didn’t come to fruition.”

Lujan emphasized in particular how pollsters missed the rural vote, calling it a “devastating mistake.” He said the DCCC has taken deliberate steps since 2016 to get it right this time around, but underscored a congressional majority still required a tooth-and-nail fight.

“So I’m confident with the team that’s been assembled, but I’m definitely cognizant of the fact we need to understand these models and understand the data for what it is,” he said.

One Democratic pollster said the data he’s seen makes plain that the party is favored to win a majority — but that it’s still not a sure thing. He said even now it’s unclear if the political environment will create an electoral tsunami, or merely a good year where Democrats might still fall short of a House majority.

“We’ve all learned a lesson from 2016 that there are multiple possibilities and outcomes,” said the pollster, granted anonymity to discuss polling data one month before the election. “And if you haven’t learned that lesson, shame on you. That 20 percent outcome can happen. That 30 percent outcome can happen.”

This year, Democrats have history on their side: The incumbent president’s party historically struggles during midterm elections. That wasn’t the case in 2016, when Democrats were trying to win the presidency for three consecutive terms for the first time in their history since Franklin Delano Roosevelt (The GOP accomplished the feat only once in the same period, with Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush.)

Some Democratic leaders say the reality of Trump’s presidency — unlike its hypothetical state in 2016 — changes the dynamic entirely.

“Democratic energy is at nuclear levels,” said Steve Israel, a former DCCC chairman. “Democrats would crawl over broken glass to vote in this election.”

Israel said he still has concerns about November (political operatives always have concerns about the upcoming election). But he waves away the notion that the party might fall short of a House majority.

“Most Democrats and a heck of a lot of Republicans I speak to believe that Democrats will have the majority,” he said. “The real question is, by how much?”

Ferguson is, of course, of two minds: He thinks the push to repeal the Affordable Care Act and the day-to-day reality of Trump’s presidency fundamentally changes how voters will see this election.

But he’s also gun-shy about what could change in the next month, after the multitude of surprises that occurred during the last month of the 2016 race, whether the “Access Hollywood” recording or then-FBI Director James Comey’s announcement that the investigation into Clinton’s emails was re-opened.

Many Republicans argue the 2018 election has already seen its October surprise, with the confirmation fight over Brett Kavanaugh finally motivating conservative voters to vote.

“I don’t know what the October surprises will be,” Ferguson said. “But we make a mistake if we assume that what we’re seeing today is what we’ll see for the entire month. We lived through it two years ago.”

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