The 14 Defining Characteristics Of Fascism

Dr. Lawrence Britt has examined the fascist regimes of Hitler (Germany), Mussolini (Italy), Franco (Spain), Suharto (Indonesia) and several Latin American regimes. Britt found 14 defining characteristics common to each:
1. Powerful and Continuing Nationalism - Fascist regimes tend to make constant use of patriotic mottos, slogans, symbols, songs, and other paraphernalia. Flags are seen everywhere, as are flag symbols on clothing and in public displays.
2. Disdain for the Recognition of Human Rights - Because of fear of enemies and the need for security, the people in fascist regimes are persuaded that human rights can be ignored in certain cases because of "need." The people tend to look the other way or even approve of torture, summary executions, assassinations, long incarcerations of prisoners, etc.
3. Identification of Enemies/Scapegoats as a Unifying Cause - The people are rallied into a unifying patriotic frenzy over the need to eliminate a perceived common threat or foe: racial , ethnic or religious minorities; liberals; communists; socialists, terrorists, etc.
 
4. Supremacy of the Military - Even when there are widespread domestic problems, the military is given a disproportionate amount of government funding, and the domestic agenda is neglected. Soldiers and military service are glamorized.
5. Rampant Sexism - The governments of fascist nations tend to be almost exclusively male-dominated. Under fascist regimes, traditional gender roles are made more rigid. Divorce, abortion and homosexuality are suppressed and the state is represented as the ultimate guardian of the family institution.
6. Controlled Mass Media - Sometimes to media is directly controlled by the government, but in other cases, the media is indirectly controlled by government regulation, or sympathetic media spokespeople and executives. Censorship, especially in war time, is very common.
7. Obsession with National Security - Fear is used as a motivational tool by the government over the masses.
8. Religion and Government are Intertwined - Governments in fascist nations tend to use the most common religion in the nation as a tool to manipulate public opinion. Religious rhetoric and terminology is common from government leaders, even when the major tenets of the religion are diametrically opposed
to the government's policies or actions.
9. Corporate Power is Protected - The industrial and business aristocracy of a fascist nation often are the ones who put the government leaders into power, creating a mutually beneficial business/government relationship and power elite.
10. Labor Power is Suppressed - Because the organizing power of labor is the only real threat to a fascist government, labor unions are either eliminated entirely, or are severely suppressed.
11. Disdain for Intellectuals and the Arts - Fascist nations tend to promote and tolerate open hostility to higher education, and academia. It is not uncommon for professors and other academics to be censored or even arrested. Free expression in the arts and letters is openly attacked.
12. Obsession with Crime and Punishment - Under fascist regimes, the police are given almost limitless power to enforce laws. The people are often willing to overlook police abuses and even forego civil liberties in the name of patriotism. There is often a national police force with virtually unlimited power in fascist nations.
13. Rampant Cronyism and Corruption - Fascist regimes almost always are governed by groups of friends and associates who appoint each other to government positions and use governmental power and authority to protect their friends from accountability. It is not uncommon in fascist regimes for national resources and even treasures to be appropriated or even outright stolen by government leaders.
14. Fraudulent Elections - Sometimes elections in fascist nations are a complete sham. Other times elections are manipulated by smear campaigns against or even assassination of opposition candidates, use of legislation to control voting numbers or political district boundaries, and manipulation of the media. Fascist nations also typically use their judiciaries to manipulate or control elections.
 
 
They Thought They Were Free
 
By Milton Mayer
http://www.thirdreich.net/Thought_They_Were_Free_nn4.html
 
"They Thought They Were Free: The Germans 1933-1945",
University of Chicago Press. Reissued in paperback, April, 1981.
 
 
As Harpers Magazine noted when the book was published in 1955 (U. of Chicago), Milton Mayerâsextraordinarily far-sighted book on the Germans is more timely today than ever·ä
 
 
This crucial book tells how and why 'decent men' became Nazis through short biographies of 10 law-abiding citizens. An American journalist of German/Jewish descent, Mr. Mayer provides a fascinating window into the lives, thoughts and emotions of a people caught up in the rush of the Nazi movement. It is a book that should make people pause and think -- not only about the Germans, but also about themselves.
 
But Then It Was Too Late
 
"What no one seemed to notice," said a colleague of mine, a philologist, "was the ever widening gap, after1933, between the government and the people. Just think how very wide this gap was to begin with, here in Germany. And it became always wider. You know it doesn't make people close to their government to be told that this is a people's government, a true democracy, or to be enrolled in civilian defense, or even to vote. All this has little, really nothing to do with knowing one is governing.
 
What happened here was the gradual habituation of the people, little by little, to being governed by surprise; to receiving decisions deliberated in secret; to believing that the situation was so complicated that the government had to act on information which the people could not understand, or so dangerous that, even if he people could understand it, it could not be released because of national security. And their sense of identification with Hitler, their trust in him, made it easier to widen this gap and reassured those who would otherwise have worried about it.
 
"This separation of government from people, this widening of the gap, took place so gradually and so insensibly, each step disguised (perhaps not even intentionally) as a temporary emergency measure or associated with true patriotic allegiance or with real social purposes. And all the crises and reforms (real reforms, too) so occupied the people that they did not see the slow motion underneath, of the whole process of government growing remoter and remoter.
 
"You will understand me when I say that my Middle High German was my life. It was all I cared about. I was a scholar, a specialist. Then, suddenly, I was plunged into all the new activity, as the universe was drawn into the new situation; meetings, conferences, interviews, ceremonies, and, above all, papers to be filled out, reports, bibliographies, lists, questionnaires. And on top of that were the demands in the community, the things in which one had to, was "expected to" participate that had not been there or had not been important before. It was all rigmarole, of course, but it consumed all one's energies, coming on top of the work one really wanted to do. You can see how easy it was, then, not to think about fundamental things. One had no time."
 
"Those," I said, "are the words of my friend the baker. "One had no time to think. There was so much going on." "Your friend the baker was right," said my colleague. "The dictatorship, and the whole process of its coming into being, was above all diverting. It provided an excuse not to think for people who did not want to think anyway. I do not speak of your "little men", your baker and so on; I speak of my colleagues and myself, learned men, mind you. Most of us did not want to think about fundamental things and never had. There was no need to. Nazism gave us some dreadful, fundamental things to think about - we were decent people - and kept us so busy with continuous changes and "crises" and so fascinated, yes, fascinated, by the machinations of the "national enemies", without and within, that we had no time to think about these dreadful things that were growing, little by little, all around us. Unconsciously, I suppose, we were grateful. Who wants to think?
 
"To live in this process is absolutely not to be able to notice it - please try to believe me - unless one has a much greater degree of political awareness, acuity, than most of us had ever had occasion to develop. Each step was so small, so inconsequential, so well explained or, on occasion, "regretted," that, unless one were detached from the whole process from the beginning, unless one understood what the whole thing was in principle, what all these "little measures" that no "patriotic German" could resent must some day lead to, one no more saw it developing from day to day than a farmer in his field sees the corn growing. One day it is over his head.
 
"How is this to be avoided, among ordinary men, even highly educated ordinary men? Frankly, I do not know. I do not see, even now. Many, many times since it all happened I have pondered that pair of great maxims, Principiis obsta and Finem respice - "Resist the beginnings" and "consider the end." But one must foresee the end in order to resist, or even see, the beginnings. One must foresee the end clearly and certainly and how is this to be done, by ordinary men or even by extraordinary men? Things might have changed here before they went as far as they did; they didn't, but they might have. And everyone counts on that might.
 
"Your "little men," your Nazi friends, were not against National Socialism in principle. Men like me, who were, are the greater offenders, not because we knew better (that would be too much to say) but because we sensed better. Pastor Niemoller spoke for the thousands and thousands of men like me when he spoke (too modestly of himself) and said that, when the Nazis attacked the Communists, he was a little uneasy, but, after all, he was not a Communist, and so he did nothing: and then they attacked the Socialists, and he was a little uneasier, but, still, he was not a Socialist, and he did nothing; and then the schools, the press, the Jews, and so on, and he was always uneasier, but still he did nothing. And then they attacked the Church, and he was a Churchman, and he did something - but then it was too late."
 
"Yes," I said.
 
"You see," my colleague went on, "one doesn't see exactly where or how to move. Believe me, this is true. Each act, each occasion, is worse than the last, but only a little worse. You wait for the next and the next. You wait for the one great shocking occasion, thinking that others, when such a shock comes, will join with you in resisting somehow. You don't want to act, or even to talk, alone; you don't want to "go out of your way to make trouble." Why not? - Well, you are not in the habit of doing it. And it is not just fear, fear of standing alone, that restrains you; it is also genuine uncertainty.
 
"Uncertainty is a very important factor, and, instead of decreasing as time goes on, it grows. Outside, in the streets, in the general community, "everyone is happy. One hears no protest, and certainly sees none. You know, in France or Italy there will be slogans against the government painted on walls and fences; in Germany, outside the great cities, perhaps, there is not even this. In the university community, in your own community, you speak privately to you colleagues, some of whom certainly feel as you do; but what do they say? They say, "It's not so bad" or "You're seeing things" or "You're an alarmist."
 
"And you are an alarmist. You are saying that this must lead to this, and you can't prove it. These are the beginnings, yes; but how do you know for sure when you don't know the end, and how do you know, or even surmise, the end? On the one hand, your enemies, the law, the regime, the Party, intimidate you. On the other, your colleagues pooh-pooh you as pessimistic or even neurotic. You are left with your close friends, who are, naturally, people who have always thought as you have.
 
"But your friends are fewer now. Some have drifted off somewhere or submerged themselves in their work. You no longer see as many as you did at meetings or gatherings. Informal groups become smaller; attendance drops off in little organizations, and the organizations themselves wither. Now, in small gatherings of your oldest friends, you feel that you are talking to yourselves, that you are isolated from the reality of things. This weakens your confidence still further and serves as a further deterrent to ö to what? It is clearer all the time that, if you are going to do anything, you must make an occasion to do it, and then you are obviously a troublemaker. So you wait, and you wait.
 
"But the one great shocking occasion, when tens or hundreds or thousands will join with you, never comes. That's the difficulty. If the last and worst act of the whole regime had come immediately after the first and the smallest, thousands, yes, millions would have been sufficiently shocked ö if, let us say, the gassing of the Jews in "43" had come immediately after the "German Firm" stickers on the windows of non-Jewish shops in "33". But of course this isn't the way it happens. In between come all the hundreds of little steps, some of them imperceptible, each of them preparing you not to be shocked by the next. Step C is not so much worse than Step B, and, if you did not make a stand at Step B, why should you at Step C? And so on to Step D.
 
"And one day, too late, your principles, if you were ever sensible of them, all rush in upon you. The burden of self deception has grown too heavy, and some minor incident, in my case my little boy, hardly more than a baby, saying "Jew swine," collapses it all at once, and you see that everything, everything, has changed and changed completely under your nose. The world you live in ö your nation, your people ö is not the world you were in at all. The forms are all there, all untouched, all reassuring, the houses, the shops, the jobs, the mealtimes, the visits, the concerts, the cinema, the holidays. But the spirit, which you never noticed because you made the lifelong mistake of identifying it with the forms, is changed. Now you live in a world of hate and fear, and the people who hate and fear do not even know it themselves; when everyone is transformed, no one is transformed. Now you live in a system which rules without responsibility even to God. The system itself could not have intended this in the beginning, but in order to sustain itself it was compelled to go all the way.
 
"You have gone almost all the way yourself. Life is a continuing process, a flow, not a succession of acts and events at all. It has flowed to a new level, carrying you with it, without any effort on your part. On this new level you live, you have been living more comfortably every day, with new morals, new principles. You have accepted things you would not have accepted five years ago, a year ago, things that your father, even in Germany, could not have imagined.
 
"Suddenly it all comes down, all at once. You see what you are, what you have done, or, more accurately, what you haven't done ( for that was all that was required of most of us: that we do nothing). You remember those early meetings of your department in the university when, if one had stood, others would have stood, perhaps, but no one stood. A small matter, a matter of hiring this man or that, and you hired this one rather than that. You remember everything now, and your heart breaks. Too late. You are compromised beyond repair.
 
"What then? You must then shoot yourself. A few did. Or "adjust" your principles. Many tried, and some, I suppose, succeeded; not I, however. Or learn to live the rest of your life with your shame. This last is the nearest there is, under the circumstances, to heroism: shame. Many Germans became this poor kind of hero, many more, I think, than the world knows or cares to know."
 
I said nothing. I thought of nothing to say.
 
"I can tell you," my colleague went on, "of a man in Leipzig, a judge. He was not a Nazi, except nominally, but he certainly wasn't an anti Nazi. He was just ö a judge. In "42" or "43", early "43", I think it was, a Jew was tried before him in a case involving, but only incidentally, relations with an "Aryan" woman. This was "race injury", something the Party was especially anxious to punish. In the case a bar, however, the judge had the power to convict the man of a "nonracial" offense and send him to an ordinary prison for a very long term, thus saving him from Party "processing" which would have meant concentration camp or, more probably, deportation and death. But the man was innocent of the "nonracial" charge, in the judge's opinion, and so, as an honorable judge, he acquitted him. Of course, the Party seized the Jew as soon as he left the courtroom.
"
"And the judge?"
 
"Yes, the judge. He could not get the case off his conscience ö a case, mind you, in which he had acquitted an innocent man. He thought that he should have convicted him and saved him from the Party, but how could he have convicted an innocent man? The thing preyed on him more and more, and he had to talk about it, first to his family, then to his friends, and then to acquaintances. (That's how I heard about it.) After the "44" Putsch they arrested him. After that, I don't know."
 
I said nothing.
 
"Once the war began," my colleague continued, "resistance, protest, criticism, complaint, all carried with them a multiplied likelihood of the greatest punishment. Mere lack of enthusiasm, or failure to show it in public, was "defeatism." You assumed that there were lists of those who would be "dealt with" later, after the victory. Goebbels was very clever here, too. He continually promised a "victory orgy" to "take care of" those who thought that their "treasonable attitude" had escaped notice. And he meant it; that was not just propaganda. And that was enough to put an end to all uncertainty.
 
"Once the war began, the government could do anything "necessary" to win it; so it was with the "final solution" of the Jewish problem, which the Nazis always talked about but never dared undertake, not even the Nazis, until war and its "necessities" gave them the knowledge that they could get away with it. The people abroad who thought that war against Hitler would help the Jews were wrong. And the people in Germany who, once the war had begun, still thought of complaining, protesting, resisting, were betting on Germany's losing the war. It was a long bet. Not many made it."
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  • @ Michael.....Very well said!

    Fascism-Marxism-Communism are ALL forms of Cancer that
    Desperately need to be eradicated from the body of this great
    Nation.
    There ALL bad for us!
  • Michael Keith Dreier -

    This is NOT a debate between Marxism, Fascism, Communism but rather a discussion of how the US has moved away from the rights endowed to us by the U.S. Constitution.

    Let me simplify this for you:

    1. U.S. Constitution = Good

    2. Fascism, Communism, Marxism = Bad

    3. Here are some defining characteristics of BAD THINGS

    IF you want a purely Academic debate, this is not the place for it; perhaps try Stanford.

    Dude, Lighten UP

  • Fascism is dead in the water, and has been for years. The enemy we face today has many of the totalitarian traits that Mr. Batten seems to regard as the sole property of the fascist with hardly a mention of the fact that those real enemies that we face today "The Communists" have many of the identical traits.

    Many of the traits that Mr. Batten condemns such as nationalism are thousands of years older than fascism, and the recent existence in history of fascism as a political party does not give credibility to the Marxist claims that nation states should be abolished in favor of the Internationale or global order in which national or ethnic identity ceases to exist or is violently suppressed. 

    The Left has redefined Human Rights and claims to protect them, and yet in their ambiguous usage of the phrase "Human Rights" they have the worlds most dismal record of criminal acts against humanity.

    Mr. Batten mentions supremacy of the military. This was a signature feature of the Soviet regimes as even more so in Communist North Korea.

    Identification of enemies is something that has been a key factor in Marxist regimes, and yet they are not fascists.

    Mr. Batten mentions sexism yet it doing so is playing into the old trap of using the paradigms of the left. The word sexism is an artificial construct. Perhaps if any one would like to read some books like" the dialectic of Feminism". it is not hard to see that the ultimate fulfillment of the dialectic is the abolition of sexual distinctions. One only has to go to the days of Mao Tse Dong to see films of thousands of Chinese dressed exactly alike with no sexual distinctions visable.

    As for the Family, my wifes cousins live in Chemnitz which is in Eastern Germany. They were virtually raised and totally educated by the state. There was little interaction with their parents until later years. The communist suppressed things like knowledge of your ancestors, and could take a child away from parents at will. The left in America is directly responsible for encouraging the breakup of our families, and the alienation of the individual.

    I need not even speak for my fellow compatriots to recognize the left wing dominance of the media.

    I will skip down a few spaces to where Mr. Batten speaks of Fascist disdain for intellectuals and the arts.  This is where I begin to question seriously where this post is coming from. No one has shown greater contempt for academic debate  than the Marxist dominated institutes of higher learning in our land.  Everything from threats to cut funding to scientific research that does not follow the reasoning of the left as has happened recently especially in the area of genetic research, to the threat in Texas to revoke a great historians' tenure because he made some Marxist professors look like fools in a major academic debate. The deliberate teaching of false history under the concept that history is a weapon.

    I do not intend to get as lengthy as Mr. Batten as this is only a comment, but my Compatriots are intelligent enough to surely see that many of the traits that Mr. Batten attributes to fascists, are in fact either attributes that fascist and communist shared, or that are predominantly attributes of today's contemporary Marxist. 

    Let us not get sidetracked onto a dead political philosophy such as fear of fascism when the enemy we face today is Global Communism.

  • Very encouraging 1 hr video.  Listen carefully and you'll learn what to do....

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y1-0o0cSw24

  • We need to DO something besides just talk about these things, because our government is moving at lightening speed to change America into something that was never meant to be.....and we will have let it happen; like stupid sheep!

  •  "Those who don't know history are doomed to repeat it"

    -Author unknown

  •    Not that I doubt any of it , but it sounds more like Islamism than fascism , Of course our communist government is using BOTH of them to control us through poitical correctness .

  • This is today and it happens slowly while others have their blinders on.  We aren't sitting back at our house with stupid on our faces.  We have discussions daily about what is happening under our noses.  It absolutely sickens us!

  • I did not closely read this article but skimming through it the main points I bring away is that fascism is a reaction to liberal degenerate societies. While I feel we definitely are headed down the degenerate path we must make sure any counter movement does not fall under the spell of a single despotic leader hum seems the radical left is already under such a spell. 

  • In regards to the writing piece "They Thought They Were Free"

    After reading this I feel this exactly what is happening in our country with the gradual changes and no one wants to make a stand but instead they are waiting for a big occassion to happen.  This is where I believe many of us are at mentally.  Think about how many defeats we have had to endure  since June of last year (7 months).  We were shocked when Chief Justice Roberts voted that Obana Care was constitutional......a heart breaking loss.  The GOP Establishment ran roughshod over the Tea Party Presidential Candidates and never once listened to "We the People".  I like Romney and he is a stand up guy with all the right qualifications but he never embraced the Tea Party.  I think I speak for many when I say, he probably wasn't your top pick to run against Obama.......so another big set back.  Next comes the year long investigation of Fast & Furious with overwhelming evidence that the government was running an illegal operation with the end game to give reason to have major gun control in the U.S.  The Congressional investigation revealed that this dirty look scheme of running guns over to Mexico and giving them to the cartel came straight from the White House and Eric Holders office and of course the end result was there were arrests made or charges brought up.......another huge defeat.  Next comes the Presidential election,  a huge shockwave is swept across our country with Obama winning his reelection........thee biggest defeat of them all.  To make matters even worse, there was rampant voter fraud and once again the people in America who care about free and fair elections are let down because not a single congressman called for an investigation over the overwhelming evidence......another defeat.  Next is the Gun Control Bills that are coming out to strip more of our constitutional rights from us.  What big occassion are we waiting for ?  In 7 months look at how many BIG defeats we have had to endure while the left is running roughshod over us.  I know Communist are big in mind control and psyche (spelling) over the masses and they are keeping us busy and distracted from the bigger picture.  There is no doubt we have all been taking a beating with all of these defeats.  That doesn't mean we pull out the white flag and surrender but we do need to regroup and refresh for the next big battle.  I am not going to give up on winning our country back, but I am worried about our morale in this country because it has taken a beating.  Many of my conservative friends are tired, worn down and in shock of how fast everything is happening.  That is one of Obama's and his Saul Alinsky Czars troops strategies is to keep the uncertainity going and to make sure its constant and fast so we don't have time to organize and fight him.

     

    I strongly reccomend people to send this writing piece above to many of those on your e-mail list because the Germans knew bad things were happening but the changes were so subtle and constant that it kept them from taking action.  A little like the Glenn Beck moment when he put the frog in luke warm water and gradually turned up the heat......same basic idea.  We need to keep on fighting for our country  and remember God is on our side.

    God Bless you all and God Bless our country once again.

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