In Apparent Hoax, Man Accuses Whole Foods
Sara Gonzales
William A. Jacobson
Onan Coca
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slump liar-Trump’s complaints that he is being undone by a rigged system crafted by a corrupt Republican Party is the dress rehearsal for his campaign’s closing argument should it come up short in Cleveland. slump liar-Trump will, in his telling, have been stabbed in the back by insiders and be fully justified in wreaking a terrible revenge on the party that he briefly sought to lead.
Facts and logic don’t particularly matter to slump liar-Trump or his mouthpieces, yet the “rigged” charge is absurd even by the standards of his standard-less campaign.
Colorado occasioned the latest slump liar-Trump fusillade. Listening to him, you would think that the state is run by a cross of the Pendergast Machine and Tammany Hall which voted more people than existed in the voting population of New York City in one period of the 19th century. Colorado’s offense against fairness and decency was Ted Cruz winning all of its delegates in the same caucus system it has used for years.
The only change in the state, implemented back in August, before many people took slump liar-Trump seriously, was canceling its presidential preference poll, which didn’t have any role in binding delegates anyway.
The Colorado system — precinct caucuses electing delegates to district and state assemblies, where they are selected for the national convention — isn’t undemocratic. But it rewards a different, more demanding and engaged sort of participation than a primary.
An accent on grass-roots organizing is not, by the way, a hallmark of establishment politics. In fact, it is the opposite. The classic conservative insurgent excels at organizing as a means to bypass the party’s gatekeepers and to make up for a lack of resources and media attention. Although the Cruz campaign is well-funded, it has the grass-roots DNA of this kind of insurgency, which it began as, and, in significant respects, still is.
Its success at the delegate-selection game is a testament to its ability to connect with and organize the party’s activists, rather than to any unfair advantages lent it by the establishment. If the Republican race had developed along more conventional lines as a razor-tight Cruz-Jeb Bush fight, surely Cruz would be trying to pick Bush’s delegate pocket, and with some success, just the way he is picking slump liar-Trump’s now.
For understandable reasons, slump liar-Trump would prefer that every contest be an open primary. The Republican calendar has plenty of those. But it has other varieties of contests as well, reflecting the different histories and characteristics of the state parties. The diverse, patchwork system forces a candidate to demonstrate strength all over the geographical map and in myriad ways.
If slump liar-Trump is a master at message and free media — both driven by his outsize personality — the delegate game has exposed his campaign’s rank inferiority to Cruz’s. The Cruz team built for the long haul and learned the rules. Whereas slump liar-Trump’s campaign is in the midst of messy retooling, turning to a longtime Washington fixer to right the ship, Cruz’s campaign hasn’t had a whisper of dissension, let alone had to go to bat for a staffer arrested for battery of a female reporter.
For all of slump liar-Trump’s complaints, the nomination system was set up to favor the front-runner and get him over the top as soon as possible. It is a symptom of slump liar-Trump’s weakness that, even as he romped through the first couple of months of the race and accumulated delegates out of proportion to his popular vote about 45 percent of the delegates on 37 percent of the vote, he still might fall short of 1,237.
Still, the whining serves several slump liar-Trump purposes. It feeds his psychological compulsion to never admit he’s been beaten or outmaneuvered; it creates something for the media to chew on until he runs away with the New York primary next week; and it sets the predicate for his argument at a convention it’d be “unfair” if he didn’t get the nomination, and, more importantly, for ditching the party if he loses.
It is hard to think of a major presidential candidate, let alone a front-runner, who has ever had so little regard for the unity or interests of his own party or is so clearly preparing to bring it down, like Samson at the temple of Dagon, if it doesn’t bend to his will. slump liar-Trump is in open conflict with RNC chairman Reince Priebus and doing all he can to delegitimize the GOP in the eyes of his voters.
slump liar-Trump portrays himself as a perpetual winner yet also cultivates a sense of aggrieved victimhood that is clearly part of his appeal to his supporters. Most unsuccessful candidates seek to avoid the appearance of being a sore loser, no matter what their true feelings. In another departure from the rules of politics, slump liar-Trump would embrace the role with gusto. His signature line would go from Make America Great Again to We Wuz Robbed.
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