State | Dates of session | Session length limit [1] |
---|---|---|
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January 14 - April 15 (Projected)[2] | 30 legislative days in 105 calendar days |
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January 21 - April 20 (Projected) | 90 calendar days |
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January 13 - May 1 (Projected) | Saturday of the last week in which the 100th calendar day falls |
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February 10 - March 1 (Projected) | 60 calendar days |
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January 6 - September 30 (Projected) | September 12 |
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January 8 - May 7 (Projected) | 120 calendar days |
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February 5 - May 7 (Projected) | Wednesday after the first Monday in June |
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January 14 - June 30 (Projected) | June 30 |
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March 4 - May 2 (Projected) | 60 calendar days |
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January 13 - April 1 (Projected) | 40 legislative days |
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January 15 - May 1 (Projected) | 60 legislative days |
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January 6 - April 1 (Projected) | None |
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January 29 - May 31 (Projected) | None |
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January 7 - March 14 (Projected) | April 29 |
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January 13 - April 22 (Projected) | 110 calendar days |
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January 13 - May 30 (Projected) | None |
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January 7 - April 15 (Projected) | 30 legislative days or March 30 |
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March 10 - June 5 (Projected) | 45 legislative days in 60 calendar days |
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January 8 - April 16 (Projected) | 3rd Wed in June |
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January 8 - April 7 (Projected) | 90 calendar days |
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January 14 – January 6, 2015 (Projected) | Formal sessions, 3rd Wed in Nov; informal, no limit |
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January 8 - December 31 (Projected) | None |
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February 25 - May 19 (Projected) | 120 legislative days in 2 years, or the 1st Monday after the 3rd Saturday in May each year |
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January 7 - April 6 (Projected) | 90 calendar days |
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January 8 - May 30 (Projected) | May 30 |
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No 2014 Regular Session | 90 legislative days in two years |
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January 8 - April 1 (Projected) | 90 legislative days |
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No 2014 Regular Session | 120 calendar days in two years |
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January 8 - June 1 (Projected) | 45 legislative days or July 1 |
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January 14 - January 1, 2016 (Projected) | None |
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January 21 - February 20 (Projected) | 60 calendar days |
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January 8 – January 7, 2015 (Projected) | None |
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May 14 - July 1 (Projected) | None |
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No 2014 Regular Session | 80 legislative days in two years |
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January 7 – December 31 (Projected) | None |
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February 3 - May 30 (Projected) | Last Friday in May |
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February 3 - March 9 (Projected) | 160 calendar days |
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January 7 – November 30 (Projected) | None |
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January 7 – June 1 (Projected) | None |
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January 14 - June 30 (Projected) | First Thurs in June |
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January 14 - March 31 (Projected) | 40 legislative days |
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January 14 - May 1 (Projected) | 90 legislative days |
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No 2014 Regular Session | 140 calendar days in two years |
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January 27 - March 13 (Projected) | 45 calendar days |
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January 7 - May 14 (Projected) | None |
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January 8 - March 12 (Projected) | 30 calendar days |
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January 13 - March 12 (Projected) | 105 calendar days |
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January 8 - March 8 (Projected) | 60 calendar days |
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January 14 - December 1 (Projected)[2] | None |
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February 10 - March 1 (Projected) | 40 legislative days |
Comment
No they have until the 12th, but meet between the 6th of January til the 3oth of September but try to be done by the 12th.
California is one of the largest States in the US and if I read this right they have one day allotted September 12? WOW no wonder the States has so many fiscal issues...
For the record - SOME in the Georgia General Assembly are looking at a 'short session' because it is election year and by law these folks CANNOT campaign while in session. According to the state constitution they WILL have to have a full session....
House Democrats unveiled two articles of impeachment against President Donald Trump on Tuesday morning after an investigation that violated fundamental provisions of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights.
The investigation of the president began with the complaint of a so-called “whistleblower” who turned out to be a rogue Central Intelligence Agency employee, protected by a lawyer who had called for a “coup” against Trump in early 2017.
Democrats first demanded that the “whistleblower” be allowed to testify. But after House Intelligence Committee chair Rep. Adam Schiff (D-CA) was found to have lied about his committee’s contact with the “whistleblower,” and after details of the “whistleblower’s” bias began to leak, Democrats reversed course. In violation of the President Trump’s Sixth Amendment right to confront his accuser, Democrats refused to allow the “whistleblower” to testify. They argue the president’s procedural rights, even if they existed, would not apply until he was tried in the Senate — but they also invented a fraudulent “right to anonymity” that, they hope, might conceal the whistleblower even then.
Schiff began the “impeachment inquiry” in secret, behind the closed doors of the Sensitive Compartmentalized Information Facility (SCIF) in the basement of the U.S. Capitol, even though none of the testimony was deemed classified. Few members of Congress were allowed access. Schiff allowed selective bits of testimony to leak to friendly media, while withholding transcripts of testimony.
Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi (D-CA), having allowed the secret process to unfold, legitimized it with a party-line vote authorizing the inquiry. The House resolution denied President Trump the procedural rights enjoyed by Presidents Richard Nixon and Bill Clinton, and denied the minority party the traditional right to object to witnesses called by the majority.
Rather than the House Judiciary Committee, which traditionally handles impeachment, Pelosi also deputized the House Intelligence Committee to conduct fact-finding; the Judiciary Committee was turned into a rubber stamp. Schiff held a few public hearings, but often failed to release transcripts containing exculpatory evidence until after they had passed.
In the course of the Intelligence Committee’s investigation, Schiff quietly spied on the telephone records of his Republican counterpart, Ranking Member Devin Nunes (R-CA). He also snooped on the phone records of a journalist, John Solomon; and on the phone records of former New York City mayor Rudy Giuliani, acting as President Trump’s personal lawyer.
Schiff’s eavesdropping violated both the First Amendment right to press freedom and the Sixth Amendment right to counsel. Yet he proceeded undeterred by constitutional rights, publishing the phone logs in his committee’s report without warning, confirmation, or explanation, alleging that Nunes and the others were part of a conspiracy to assist the president’s allegedly impeachable conduct. When Republicans on the Judiciary Committee asked the Intelligence Committee’s majority counsel, Daniel Goldman, to explain the phone logs, he refused to answer,
Ironically, Schiff had done exactly what Democrats accuse Trump of doing: abused his power to dig up dirt on political opponents, then obstructed a congressional investigation into his party’s and his committee’s misconduct.
Democrats’ articles of impeachment include one for the dubious charge of “abuse of power,” which is not mentioned in the Constitution; and one for “obstruction of Congress,” which in this case is an abuse of power in itself.
Alexander Hamilton, writing about impeachment in Federalist 65, warned that “there will always be the greatest danger that the decision will be regulated more by the comparative strength of parties, than by the real demonstrations of innocence or guilt.” Democrats have fulfilled Hamilton’s worst fears.
The Trump impeachment will soon replace the 1868 impeachment of President Andrew Johnson — which the House Judiciary Committee staff actually cited as a positive precedent — as the worst in American history.
In service of their “coup,” Democrats have trampled the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. The Republic has never been in greater danger.
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